By Roger Goodman, Sarah Harper
The quantity takes 4 key topics regarding getting old – the event of previous age; intergenerational kin; economics of and social coverage for getting old; toughness and the tradition of growing old - and examines how those concerns are rising in several areas of Asia, particularly, the previous Soviet Union, South Asia, China, Japan and South-East Asia. In putting those Asian instances reviews within the broader context of debates approximately, and rules on, getting older extra normally, it brings them into the mainstream of comparative examine on ageing from which they've been too frequently excluded. because the reviews convey, the connection among ageing and poverty is a posh one and infrequently displays coverage in the direction of the elderly instead of that the elderly themselves are unproductive and established. getting old, furthermore, can now not be regarded as easily a countrywide query; we additionally have to ponder the consequences of its worldwide measurement by way of matters resembling human rights and caliber of life.
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Extra resources for Ageing in Asia: Asia’s Position in the New Global Demography
5 Campbell & Ikegami (2003, p. 23) pointed out two other reasons for introducing welfare programmes for the elderly in the 1980s in Japan: long-term hospital bed-blocking (nearly half of all hospital inpatients were over the age of 65 and around one-third of these had been hospitalized for more than a year) and the growing belief that elderly care should not fall on daughters-in-law but on outside carers. 6 In the 15 years of the Gold Plans, approximately 800 000 new beds for the elderly were provisioned and the equivalent of around £80 billion invested in support for the elderly, half of which was subsidized by the government.
G. a housing shortage and a lack of pensions could explain the continued high rates of co-residence and employment, and that in any case the rates were declining, Palmore & Maeda (1985) acknowledged the trend but continued to defend the original position. Maintaining that a society’s unique values assure respect and care for the aged is, of course, especially attractive to governments, as it allows them to avoid or delay facing the need for an official response to problems associated with population ageing.
The table reveals a somewhat higher level of need in the 1998 population that can probably be attributed to its higher age—25% of the 1987 elders, but 36% of the 1998 elders are 80 or older. Table 2 indicates the sources of support received by the elders. Table 2. 0 a Percentages do not total 100 due to rounding. Source: Ikels (2004b). Four observations stand out. 1% in 1998. 8% in 1987 to 25% in 1998. Third, the range of support services was more diverse in 1998 than in 1987. 4% of elders were not receiving needed support in 1998.
Ageing in Asia: Asia’s Position in the New Global Demography by Roger Goodman, Sarah Harper